In praise of capital punishment

By: Dr Rakhshinda Perveen

The death penalty in the specific social, economic and political context of Pakistan should not be seen as a desire or urge for revenge

What should be sthe approach of the advocates and activists for women’s rights and gender mainstreaming in a society like ours where vulgar display of wealth (ill gotten wealth most often) and power are normative and where people are respected for their positions not strengths? The question has always been in my mind at different stages and phases of my career spanning over 20 years in the social development sector of Pakistan and some other countries in the patriarchal belt of South Asia.

I am speedily isolating myself from the ‘Ivy league’ of renowned activists and donor-dependent and donor-driven non-profits in Pakistan for the past two years on recognising the blatant discord between the idealism reflected in glossy reports in immaculate English and the practice of most of the key players in the sector. Therefore I do not intend to lament such successful players, as life has taught me that it is futile to question the process and ethics as pragmatism and popular wisdom are satisfied readily and conveniently by the product and obvious tangible gains.

However, what still bothers me and despite training my mind to become almost silent, I do question the relevance and effectiveness of some emerging trends, voices and demands in civil society (precisely speaking only some selected NGOs) that are being disseminated through different channels and media forums as the collective vision of the entire civil society of Pakistan.

One such riddle is the issue of capital punishment for crimes (this is the only available word but that too is inadequate)to define the trauma, pain, stakes, notions of honour and much more associated with specified acts like rape, gang rape, incest, child sexual abuse and acid attacks.

It is indeed an excruciating experience for me to read and hear the apologetic perspectives and philosophies of some of the recognised champions of human rights, women’s rights and child rights defenders not to promote the idea of the death penalty for the perpetrators of such crimes. Although the cost (social, emotional, psychological and physiological, not only for the direct victim as well as for the entire family) of those cannot be measured quantitatively but is definitely too high.

The opponents of the death penalty for such criminals are usually very well educated and belong to the elite classes of Pakistan or international technical and aid agencies working for Pakistan on issues of violence against women, girls and children (and who are mostly perceived as secular and liberal). They suddenly fit in a humane approach in the discourse on this issue while claiming in the same breath that they are not sympathetic to the criminals. Interestingly, if not ironically, they do not hesitate in quoting the holy books like the Quran, Bible and Gita for their pro-life arguments and that too inappropriately. Since I am not a religious scholar I would not comment on the teachings of these great books on such horrific episodes but my limited knowledge of religions makes me wonder why one needs to consult religion only when it comes to disadvantaged people, especially women and girls? Why are these guides not considered when wars are waged, bombs are dropped and or manufactured, arms are sold, nations are colonised, and harsh economic policies are adopted against poor countries by IFIs and so on and so forth.

Life is not black and white. It is pertinent to comprehend the grey areas and look for the context-appropriate options. It remains a fact that the efficacy of the law as an instrument of social change that in principle entails two interrelated processes, namely the institutionalisation and the internalisation of patterns of behaviour, is an established phenomenon in contemporary times. Still it is important to keep on reminding oneself that it is imperative not to see a law for the capital punishment for the murderers and perpetrators in rape, abuse and acid attacks as a magic recipe.

The death penalty cannot and will not put an end to such abuses/crimes/offences/acts of violence. Still, I insist and urge all movers and shakers in civil society and the legislative branches in Pakistan to adopt capital punishment for rapists, acid attackers and child abusers because this law is relevant in our society that has a very complex notion of honour and poor structures of governance. The death penalty in the specific social, economic and political context of Pakistan should not be seen as a desire or urge for revenge. This law, far from being a reflection of societal realities, might be a powerful means of accomplishing reality — that is of fashioning it or making it. It will definitely set a precedent in our society where the law is not only the darling of the accused but the rule of law is nothing but a fairytale that has yet to be translated into a living reality, where poor parents of rape victims as young as six years have to ‘forgive’ the perpetrators and justice for a vast majority of the masses is a product to be dispensed only on the Day of Judgment.


Daily Times

Women of South Asia — Unite!

By: S Saba Bokhari

O Woman !

Thy pain in Anonymity —
The reprehension, the revolt — for public scrutiny,
Mandatory.
Women of South Asia — Unite.
The history of your pain,
A story without a name —
Speaks volumes.
You are one woman —but you represent them all.
Women of South Asia — Unite.
For dignity, and sanity, the violence must stop.
Revolt and protests for plausible causes,
For no religion, no custom could tolerate clauses
Permitting vile, crass, condemnable crime.
Women of South Asia — Unite.
From monologue to dialogue,
In the parliament of Man — for justice.
On the streets, on the bus, in the home
Or in the workplace.
Women of South Asia — Unite.
Across cities, villages and communities
Past towns and artificial boundaries —
Form the chain, roll back the night.
In spirit of common humanity
Women of South Asia — Unite.
Per nature to nurture a better breed of men.
To propagate and generate hope —
Through laws and legislation
With intent for implementation.
With men of integrity by your side
Women of South Asia — Unite.
The pain, the anguish cannot be in vain.
The trauma the tragedy a tale to campaign
Renewed energy and impetus to fight for the right
To respect, to dignity, to life, to sanity —
Her nameless narrative not comparative, but imperative
Women of South Asia — Unite!


Daily Times

Targeting Hindu girls for rape

By: Ayesha Asghar

We have heard all about how rape is used as weapon in mass-scale war. Several thousand women were brutally raped in the 1971 war in East Pakistan to silence all the voices that were being raised against the Government of Pakistan. Every year, Pakistanis wail about their prisoners of war and how their army had to surrender but they will never talk about the horrendous acts they committed.

In some democratic societies, rape is used as a weapon against marginalised communities where the rest of society stays quiet because it is not happening in their own backyard. In Pakistan, rapists are never brought to justice and the survivor’s plea for justice turns into another ‘agenda’ of ‘Western agents’ and rival political parties.

When one speaks about the rape of Muslim women, the clergy starts questioning women’s characters and shift blame away from the rapists. When one speaks of the rape of Hindu women, none of the clergy speaks up because their racism is at play here. After all, a Hindu in Pakistan has “freedom to practise their religion” only on the constitutional paper that no one cares for. If one is a Sindhi from rural Sindh, poor and Hindu, then everything gets played against him or her because Pakistan doesn’t care for anything which is not ‘sexy’ enough to be portrayed on television, even if one protests massively.

In Umerkot, there were several protests against rape throughout the month of December but they received little to no coverage. One latest episode of rape was of two girls — aged six and 14 — from Hindu families in rural Sindh who were robbed of their childhood and humanity. The rapes were not the first of their kind and were allegedly done by those in power. Sindhi Hindus have been targeted with sexual violence for quite sometime now — and they have been repeatedly silenced by those in the corridors of power. Yet, those with authority and their rape apologists have the audacity to talk about women’s rights.

If there were officials involved in protecting the rapists because rapists might be political workers, then perhaps it was their feudal and political right to oppress the people of Sindh. The pseudo-liberal won’t say anything because calling out the rapists and demanding justice is defamation of ‘democracy’ and the victims have a political agenda. For democracy, our pseudo-liberals forget that people have a right to hold every leading political party accountable. For some feudals, it is an easy way to exploit women and then justify it by sending pseudo-liberals to be their doormats — obviously they own the lands and everything that comes with it.

In 2010, the Asian Human Rights Commission said that some 20 to 25 Hindu women are forcibly converted and sexually assaulted every month. Though the Sindhi news media is very effective in reporting this, Urdu and English news media is not, perhaps because it considers it more important to talk about rape in Egypt, Syria and India, rather than what is happening to ethnic minorities in Pakistan.

The Umerkot rape victims face terrible difficulties; they have not received proper treatment for their sexual assaults and currently lie in local hospitals. Their families are being denied justice every day. And then our Pakistani pseudo-elites act surprised when there is mass Hindu migration from Sindh.


The Express Tribune

Women in the firing line

By: Irfan Husain

THE recent cold-blooded murder of six young women charity workers in Swabi confirms a change in Taliban tactics. While never hesitating in their slaughter of undefended civilians, they now see that killing women volunteers is not just easy, but attains multiple results.

Many females in the NGO sector and government health programmes focus on the care of children and mothers. Their gender gives them access to conservative homes whose doors are closed to male colleagues. By murdering these defenceless women, the Taliban are discouraging others from carrying on this essential work.

By disrupting crucial anti-polio programmes, extremists are putting millions of children’s future at risk. Their excuse is that polio vaccines are in fact drugs to render young Pakistanis incapable of reproducing. This is part of an imaginary anti-Muslim campaign run by the West.

But while ignorant clerics might actually believe this nonsensical fantasy, cynical jihadis have seized upon it to push their larger agenda of dragging the country back to the seventh century. In this worldview, all modern science is anti-Islamic because most of it comes from the West.

These obscurantists are aware that they will be irrelevant in an educated, modern Pakistan. They are therefore bent on stopping progress: in a dysfunctional, backward country, they can hope to grab power as the Taliban did in Afghanistan.

Key to blocking change is to keep women ignorant and subordinate. Many studies in the developing world have confirmed that educated mothers are the most effective catalysts for progress. So for years, clerics have preached that women should stay at home, and only grudgingly agreed that young girls can be educated at segregated schools.

However, extremists deny women even this concession: witness the Taliban’s closure of all girls’ schools when they were in power in Afghanistan. Mimicking this sick mindset, their Pakistani cousins have destroyed hundreds of girls’ schools and colleges.

The attack on young Malala is a part of this vicious misogynist campaign. By shooting a 15-year old girl who was determined to get an education, the Taliban sent out a powerful signal. Delighted with the publicity they received, they went on to target polio-immunisation teams, and then launch this recent attack in Swabi.

One reason the family planning programme in Pakistan has largely been a failure is that clerics have denounced it, and the state has been too feeble to take them on. Now, women — especially in the rural areas — have little or no access to medical advice if they want to limit the size of their families. Small wonder that our population growth rate is so frighteningly high.

The brutalisation of women across Pakistan is evident every day in the form of small newspaper headlines: honour killings, karo kari, and rapes happen every day, and are soon forgotten. In most cases, it is the victim who ends up getting blamed.

Perpetrators are hardly ever arrested, and almost never convicted.

In fact, it is virtually a crime to be born female in Pakistan. Over the years, things have got worse for them. Even though this government has established a commission to formulate recommendations and legislation to improve matters, we have a long way to go before real change becomes visible. And to its credit, a couple of progressive, pro-women laws have also been passed in its tenure.

Nevertheless, there is an environment sustained by the clergy and parts of the media that supports keeping women ‘in their place’. Millions of Pakistani men are subconsciously threatened by the thought of women attaining equality with them.

Many Muslims point to the fact that Islam accorded rights to women that were revolutionary when they were introduced. This is certainly true. But while giving women the right to inherit half the male heir’s share must have sounded generous in the seventh century, today, it seems there is room for debate.

It is this false feeling that women are protected in an Islamic society that fuels so much of the discrimination they face every day. The reality is that most of our attitudes are shaped by tribal customs and social traditions that have nothing to do with Islam. The full veil, for instance, finds no mention in the Holy Book. Only modesty is enjoined on both men and women.

In their efforts to keep women down, clerics have dug up obscure and dubious hadith in order to provide legitimacy to backward customs. We deliberately ignore the fact that in many Muslim countries, women work side by side with men, and those societies have made great progress as a result.

In Iran, a theocracy, family planning is widely practised with state support, and there are more women in universities than men. Turkey, Malaysia and Indonesia are other examples where women enjoy equal rights in law and in reality.

The Pakistani clergy, however, is convinced that only their retrogressive interpretation of the faith — especially when it comes to women — is valid. They view their belief system as being threatened by any hint of innovation and change. In fact, the slogan of ‘Islam is in danger’ is raised at the drop of a hat. If one were to believe these fundamentalists, Islam is a fragile religion instead of the robust one being followed by some 1.5 billion believers around the world.

Despite the clear absurdity of many of these backward views, they have come to gain wide currency in Pakistan. Indeed, they inform, or misinform, the public discourse almost totally. Rational thought has been deprived of oxygen, and is now irrelevant. As a result, women and minorities suffer outrageous discrimination — and in recent years, murderous attacks.

The state has failed in its duty to protect its citizens, specially the most vulnerable ones. Above all, it has been incapable of countering the obscurantist message that the clerics have been so successful at disseminating. The school curriculum as well as TV signals is laced with the same poison.

Given the values successive generations of Pakistanis have absorbed, we shouldn’t be surprised by the widespread crimes against women. With good reason, jihadis and clerics see women as the greatest threat to their growing grip on power.
Politicians, judges and generals all seem eager to appease the extremists instead of seeing them as the threat they are.

As long as we don’t confront this grim truth, women will continue to be targeted, and millions of kids will suffer from the Taliban’s wicked campaign.


Dawn

Women artisans steal the show at Lok Virsa

ISLAMABAD: Women artisans demonstrating their skills at the ongoing Pakistan Week Celebrations at Lok Virsa have become most popular among the visitors for the last four days.

The most prominent among them are Rehana Anees in Sindhi embroidery, Fehmida Malik, Munaza and Musarart in Punjabi embroidery, Fouzia Naheed in doll making, Ambreen in traditional toys, Sadaf Aziz in Motikari, Anam Nawaz in Multani Tanka, Tasleem Bibi in Hazara Phulkari, Sultana and Haji Bibi in Hunza embroidery.

These artisans stand out not only for their excellence but also for the tireless propagation of their ancient arts.

Fouzia Naheed while talking to Dawn said she has been making dolls for decades. “I and my daughter make dolls with cloth and cotton. We make cultural dresses for dolls and also make bridal dresses due to which children especially girls take interest in them. It is difficult to make dolls by hands,” she said.

Male artisans are also equally good in showing their artwork. Zulfiqar Ghazi specialises in the famous Kashmiri art of “papier mache”. He excels not only in the art of papier mache and miniature but is also an accomplished artist in stain glass, fabric designing and traditional furniture painting.

Ghazi paints nature, floral motifs, birds, animals and Mughal monarchs. He has participated in many festivals, fairs and exhibitions in the country and abroad and won cash prizes and certificates.

Haji Habibur Rehman from Punjab is the master artisan in the truck art. This art is not only done on the bodies of trucks but also on other vehicles like buses, tankers, minibuses, rickshaws, tongas and even donkey carts.

Deedar Ali in patti weaving (woven strip made from sheep wool) from Gilgit-Baltistan is seen actively demonstrating his workmanship. Talking to mediapersons, Lok Virsa’s executive director Khalid Javaid said “Pakistan with its rich and varied heritage has a craft tradition of more than 9,000 years dating back to the Mehergarh civilization in Balochistan.”

The celebrations will continue till January 7 from 11am to 6pm.


Dawn