Broken society

By: HUMA YUSUF

ON Friday evening, I emailed my editor to suggest I write a piece on the growing number of targeted attacks against women in Pakistan. The idea had been brewing for some time, but I was struggling to think what needed to be said beyond the usual tropes about gender and violence. Then came the horrifying news of Sabeen Mahmud’s assassination, and with it the realisation that a society we fool ourselves into thinking is fragile is actually completely broken.

Mahmud is the latest in a line of women who have been targeted, one at a time, for political or symbolic reasons. Her murder comes days after the shooting of Debra Lobo, an assistant professor at a medical college. Before her there was PTI founding member Zahra Shahid Hussain, social activist and urban planner Perween Rahman, and of course, Malala Yousafzai and Benazir Bhutto.

The motives, perpetrators and context for each attack are completely different, offering a macabre laundry list of the types of violence we must contend with in Pakistan, ranging from political and criminal to militant. In many ways, it is simplistic to compare or equate these attacks. But there is something distinctly perverse about a society in which women are targeted in this way.

The reasons for targeting women are obvious: the act is low-cost, high-impact. The targets were in their cars, most of them either unescorted or accompanied by other women — mothers, daughters, school friends — traversing familiar routes, often between their workplace or school and their home. They were vulnerable and exposed, and easy targets for gunmen (it is no coincidence that many of the victims were targeted in Karachi, a city awash with weapons).

The resource outlay to target a woman is minimal, but the terror it produces is pronounced and widespread. With it comes the distinct realisation that the rules of the game have changed — that there may no longer be any rules. There is an audacity to the act that makes it more brutal, that makes the message that is being delivered through the targeting all the stronger. And the impunity that inevitably follows feels just that much more shameful.

Why target women? The act is low-cost, high-impact.

Put simply, the targeting of women exacerbates the fear factor. In a society falling apart, men become accustomed to being scared. But when women are targeted, everyone is scared: women themselves, the children they are meant to nurture, and the men who think it’s their job to protect the women in their lives.

Society is more distraught after such incidents because, despite the many advances of feminism, it is still seen as morally and ethically weaker to target women. Sirajul Haq captured the gist of this kind of thinking in his tweet about Mahmud’s killing, saying only cowards target women. The logic was cruelly distorted earlier this month by the al-Shabab militants who stormed the Garissa University in Kenya: as they went from room to room killing students, they said it was against Islam to hurt women in order to entice female students out of their hiding places. The women who emerged were promptly killed.

Women are of course murdered all the time. They are not immune to terrorist attacks, drone strikes, and criminal violence. But their deaths under these circumstances are the same as those of men or children, stripped of gender, tragic at best, statistical at worst.

Thousands of women also die each year in Pakistan as a result of gender-based violence: so-called honour killings, acid attacks, sexual assaults, kerosene stove blasts. These deaths are no less savage than incidents of politically motivated violence against women, but they are distinct. They are examples of structural violence that ultimately say more about the patriarchal systems in which such violence thrives.

Ironically, the patriarchy that leads to women being killed because of their gender is the same thing that produces extra shock when a woman is gunned down for political reasons. After all, the patriarchy is meant to offer protection to women and bestow a sacred stature upon them. In places like Pakistan where the horrors of patriarchy-driven violence persist alongside the brutality of political assassinations, nothing makes sense any more.

In a homage to Mahmud’s fighting spirit, sense of humour and generosity, I wanted to end this piece on a positive note. Here’s the best I can muster: the silver lining (however tarnished) of these savage incidents is that they demonstrate that we now live in a country where some women feel empowered enough to take a stand and have a voice, and do it effectively enough that someone thinks they’re worth targeting. If these women continue to inspire the rest of us — if even a handful among us can emulate their courage — there may yet be some hope.

Daily Dawn

Women in revolution

By: Naeem Tahir

What has been happening in Islamabad is unprecedented. Most noticeable is the strength and presence of women in this huge effort by the Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) to bring a real change in the country. While the outcome of the protests is not yet known, as I write these lines on August 28, there is no doubt that women in Pakistan have shown their determination and commitment. I have been to the Islamabad protest venues and have met their leaders and supporters.

There is no doubt that the number of supporters is unprecedented. When I wrote my articles ‘Democratic revolution is required — I’ (Daily Times, June 20, 2014) and ‘Democratic revolution is required — II’ (Daily Times, June 21, 2014), I was not aware that such a mass of people was of the same thinking. It is continuous bad governance, nepotism and favouritism that have brought the masses to the edge.

It is Dr Qadri and Imran Khan who had the ability to activate and move the populace. What Dr Tahirul Qadri and Khan are proposing is for the benefit of the country. The message is correct even if some people have differences with personalities. Let us see the message even if we have reservations about the messengers. How can anyone justify the broad daylight massacre of men and women in Model Town on June 17, 2014? How can anyone justify the massive rigging suspected in the previous elections in May 2013? Finally, how can anyone believe that a fair, impartial inquiry will be held under the authority of those who are the suspected culprits? If the suspects are innocent then they should not have any fear of investigations. The reluctance to let impartial investigations take place creates further doubts. Even the first information report (FIR) ordered for recording by the Lahore High Court was thwarted. Why?

The crowd of protesters included thousands of women in both groups. The PTI protesters give the impression of being from middle-income groups and the PAT protesters are largely from lower income groups. However, both have a large number of women, families, men and children who have braved hardship for over two weeks for a ‘cause’. This may not have been possible if women had not contributed in such large numbers. This fact has encouraged men as well. It also provided the media with a convincing and even surprising depth of public support. Government representatives sneered at the number of protesters but that is not the point. It must be understood that in no mass protest can everyone in the nation come onto the streets. Each person present in the marches represents a large number of the members of society. The government has been in denial mode and it will not work. One can see the total determination on the faces of women and men who have obviously burnt their bridges.

No nation can ever progress without the full participation of females in matters of life. Unfortunately, for a long time and even now, sections of our society have tried to suppress women. On the other hand, all records show that the rising force in the country is now women. They perform better in education, they are performing better in professions and have shown greater honesty and integrity. In Bangladesh, the most successful microfinance bank trusted women in extending loans to them and the women responded to that trust. I have always believed that the future of humanity would be better if women shared full responsibility. Men have been unnecessarily burdened since the time of the pharaohs. The concept of male superiority is prevalent. Men took upon themselves more than they should have and loved the macho image. They are now fatigued as a gender and it is good for men to feel that they can share responsibilities. Personally, I have seen that my mother, who was part of the first batch of medical doctors in the subcontinent, helped build up a family I can take pride in. She qualified in the second decade of the 20th century and pioneered education for girls in the family. One can see that in a family where the mother is educated and working, a better family is raised. Women have almost always shared the family’s responsibilities in one way or the other; in villages they all share the work in the fields and at home. They mostly go unacknowledged. But now it is time that the nation, particularly men, learn to respect the contribution of women in the progress of the family and the nation. By this substantial support in a vital national issue of great importance, the women of Pakistan have shown that they are aware and responsible. They have shown that a decadent system is unacceptable and that they must join, and even be the leading force for revolutionary change.

The current protest is on two important issues: killings and rigging. In fact, it is for a much larger cause. It is for better governance and justice. This struggle rejects old fashioned, feudal dominance. Now the requirement is for an efficient state with social justice and economic progress for all, governance according to the contract in the constitution. The constitution of a country is not the 12-page book that Ziaul Haq said is “a piece of paper”. It is a social contract. Constitutions can be changed to meet the needs of the nation by due process but the constitution of a country needs application in full and not in part. The present government and several earlier governments have failed to follow the spirit of the constitution. The present government too is only using it to hide behind and cover its misdeeds. This will not work. The politicians, the establishment and the public must understand this ‘revolution’.

The writer is the former CEO Pakistan National Council of the Arts; chairman Fruit Processing Industries; chairman UNESCO Theatre Institute Pakistan and COO ICTV, USA. He is the author of Melluhas of the Indus Valley 8000 BC to 500 BC. He can be reached at naeemtahir37@gmail.com

Daily Times

Women on the march

THE last time women were occupying public space in the country’s capital, it was the spring of 2007. Then, a conflict brewed between the country’s justice system and the country’s rulers. The then chief justice of the Supreme Court, Iftikhar Chaudhry, had been fired by the then president, Pervez Musharraf.

The women, however, belonged to neither camp; they were the black-clad, stick-wielding women of Jamia Hafsa. In the days before, they had occupied a federally owned public library. When they did leave the premises, it was for the moral policing of their urban environs: holding hostage some Chinese women. We all know how that awful episode ended, with the Lal Masjid siege and a violent confrontation. The image of the women, none of them identifiable, all of them forbidding, remained etched in many minds.

It is perhaps the seven-year shadow of that ugly episode that makes the appearance of some different kind of occupying women in Islamabad a welcome scene. In the tumult of the marches that have claimed television screens and newspaper columns for the past two weeks, women of all ages and sorts have been a welcome constant. Unlike the women of Jamia Hafsa, who were notable in the uniformity of their attire and the narrowness of their ideology, the women at the two marches appear to represent a varied spectrum of views and beliefs.

There are the young women of the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf’s ‘azadi march’, swaying to patriotic songs and bracing against the unpredictable tempests blowing through Islamabad. Then there are the more sedate and resolute women of Allama Tahirul Qadri’s march, some with headscarves, others with dupattas.

Women inhabiting public space is a victory for at least one half of Pakistan.
Regardless of the agenda of each — the actual possibilities of change, the likely damages to democracy, etc — witnessing women of all sorts inhabiting public space and existing and persisting in it for days is a victory for at least one half of Pakistan, regardless of its political leanings. It is a victory for women.

The reasons for this are clear and simple, and transcend the individual qualms and quibbles of this or that political or religious leader, the agendas of governments of the past, present and future. Recent years have been dismal ones for women in Pakistan’s public spaces.

A perusal of newspapers from just a few weeks past reveals various cruelties, from acid attacks in markets in Balochistan to bans on the public presence of women in many areas in the northwest. Those, of course, are the simple abridgements of personal movement, felt just as much by female students harassed at universities as by those unfortunate ladies sentenced to braving Pakistan’s public transport to navigate jobs and errands.

Added to them are the far more grotesque and caustic attacks on women’s personal freedoms; it must not be forgotten that just a few months ago, a woman was bludgeoned to death outside a courthouse for the crime of marrying a man of her own choice.

Stoning, acid attacks, harassment, then, are the colours in which the presence of women in Pakistan’s public sphere has been painted. As these constrictions, bit by bit and piece by piece, have descended on women, neither the present government nor the previous one seemed to have had much of a strategy to combat their cumulative curses. The rote-learned and parroted recipes of condemnations and commissions have been utilised again and yet again, applied to any and all cases — to women buried alive by family members, to women blown up when their university buses are bombed, to women forcibly married. The story of the Pakistani woman has been one long, uninterrupted saga of misery. No one in power has considered it worthy of anything more than the most perfunctory of attention; it is what is generally reserved for women.

All revolutions, promised or presumptuous, must be measured on the relative scales of incremental advances. In those measures, then, the appearance of women, many women, happy women, dancing women, and most of all, political women, represents the overturning of the precedent set by the black-clad, stick-wielding women of Jamia Hafsa seven years ago.

While many have legitimate and pertinent concerns regarding their ultimate actions, and while their absence in leadership positions in either party is cause for hesitation in anointing them champions of women, the condition of the country and the exclusion of women in the recent past makes their simple inclusion at least noteworthy.

Some applause is also owed based on the un-gendered bravado required to enter any public space in Pakistan. After all, men and women, tens of thousands of them, have been killed indiscriminately and in public spaces as Pakistan has fought its battle with terror.

In its very limited sense, then, the very appearance of women in a country that has in the past several years seemed unconnected to half its population, and unconcerned with their marginalisation can be agreed upon as a good thing. But just as the exclusion of women has made the latter’s sudden appearance and inclusion a celebratory moment, the surfeit of promises and the superficiality of change must engender an equally healthy scepticism regarding the depth of this commitment.

In a country where meaning is contested, this small vision of an inclusive Pakistan can easily be erased if the commitment goes no deeper than opportunistic screen-time, never elevates itself to actual leadership, meaningful participation, and an ideological commitment to gender equality. Those details, like the promised new Pakistan, have so far remained elusive, buried in songs and chants and the hope so many of us are hungry for.

The writer is an attorney teaching constitutional law and political philosophy. rafia.zakaria@gmail.com

DAWN

PTI condemns rape, murder

woman savages son

Lahore: Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf has condemned rape and murder of 13 year-old-girl in Sheikhupura by four people.

“This incident shows that the Punjab government has failed to protect lives of citizens”, said Punjab PTI president Ejaz Ch in a statement issued on Sunday. The PTI alleged that Punjab CM merely spent his time in photo session and paid no heed to address people’s grievances. The PTI leadership expressed shock and concern over the incident in Gujrat in which hands of a child were chopped over an old enmity.

Meanwhile, addressing a PTI workers’ convention, the PTI leaders said Azadi March would be a success.

The News

KP deputy speaker’s brother, cousin booked in rape case

rape case

KOHAT: The police on Thursday filed a case against the brother and cousin of the deputy speaker of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly in a rape case in the Shakardarra area, sources said.

The victim, Farzana, told the police that Safdar Qureshi, the brother of the deputy speaker and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) leader Imtiaz Shahid Qureshi, and his cousin Asmatullah Qureshi forced their entry into her house on May 6 and sexually assaulted her.

She said her family members had gone for harvesting the wheat crop and she was all alone at home when the accused subjected her to rape.When contacted, Station House Officer Afzal Khan confirmed the incident and added that the case had been registered against the brother and cousin of the deputy speaker under 376 and 452 of the Pakistan Penal Code.Meanwhile, Safdar Qureshi told The News that they were innocent. “Our rivals are out to defame us,” he said.

The News