Malala’s first thought after being shot revealed

LONDON: Malala Yousufzai’s first thought was “Thank God I’m not dead” as she woke up terrified in a British hospital after a Taliban gunman shot her in the head, according to extracts from her autobiography published in the Sunday Times newspaper.

But the 16-year-old said she was unable to talk, had no idea where she was and was unsure even of her own name when she emerged from a coma after six days.

In the extract from her book ‘I am Malala: The Girl Who Stood Up for Education and Was Shot by the Taliban’, which is to be published on Tuesday, Malala said she remembered almost nothing of the attack itself.

The last thing she recalled on Oct 9, 2012, the day she was shot, was sitting with her friends in a school bus as it rounded an army checkpoint in the militancy-hit Swat Valley.

Friends told her that a masked gunman came on board the bus, asked “Who is Malala?” and then lifted a gun to her head and fired. Her friend said Malala squeezed her hand.

“I woke on Oct 16, a week after the shooting. The first thing I thought was, ‘Thank God I’m not dead’. But I had no idea where I was. I knew I was not in my homeland,” she wrote in the extract published by the British newspaper.

Malala said she tried to speak but there was a tube in her neck, while her left eye was “very blurry and everyone had two noses and four eyes”.

“All sorts of questions flew through my waking brain: where was I? Who had brought me there? Where were my parents? Was my father alive? I was terrified.

“The only thing I knew was that Allah had blessed me with a new life.”

A doctor gave her an alphabet board and she spelled out the words “country” and “father” — her father was headmaster of the school that Malala had attended in Swat.

“The nurse told me I was in Birmingham, but I had no idea where that was… The nurses weren’t telling me anything. Even my name. Was I still Malala?”

After the shooting a Pakistani military neurosurgeon had carried out an emergency operation in which a section of her skull was cut out and placed under the skin in her stomach until it could be replaced in her head.

Malala was then flown to the Queen Elizabeth hospital in Birmingham for further treatment. In Britain, Malala said her head ached so much that injections failed to stop the pain, her left ear kept bleeding and she could feel that the left side of her face was not moving properly.

Malala said that in Britain she enjoyed watching the cookery show Masterchef but did not like the film ‘Bend it Like Beckham’, saying she asked nurses to turn it off because she was “shocked when the girls took off their shirts to practise in sports bras”.

She enjoyed halal fried chicken and the British cheese potato snacks Wotsits.

Her parents were finally able to get to Britain 16 days after the shooting and Malala said it was the first time she was able to cry since she was shot.

“All that time alone in hospital I hadn’t cried even when I had all those injections in my neck or the staples removed from my head. But now I could not stop. My father and mother were also weeping,” she wrote.

“It was as if all the weight had been lifted from my heart. I felt that everything would be fine now.”

DAWN

Moral case for DNA testing

By: BINA SHAH

IMAGINE: you’ve just been mugged on a quiet street on a desolate afternoon in your neighbourhood by four men who stole your money and then stabbed or shot you for good measure.

You’re admitted to hospital, where doctors operate on your wounds. But when it comes time to having the robbers arrested and sent to court, the police refuse to register the crime, while the judge won’t believe that anything happened to you because nobody witnessed the crime. Your scars are worth nothing in court, your doctors’ evidence that you were grievously wounded counts for nothing either. Because of a lack of witnesses, your robbers, who you have easily been able to identify, go free.

This is what a rape victim faces in Pakistan on a daily basis, because of the archaic perception here (based on the Hudood Ordinance) that four adult Muslim male witnesses are required before an alleged rapist can be convicted. The Council of Islamic Ideology’s (CII) rejection of DNA and other forensic evidence as primary evidence in rape cases — it recently gave its views on this in a meeting last month, where it also rejected the Women’s Protection Act of 2006, in the belief that Zia’s Hudood Ordinance adequately covers all bases — means it would like to see us once again be stuck with a system of laws that support rapists instead of the victims of rape.

Now PPP politician and MPA Sharmila Faruqi is desperately trying to lobby the Sindh Assembly to pass a bill requiring mandatory DNA testing in rape cases, despite the clerics’ refusal to accept DNA as primary evidence. There’s a chance she may succeed in her endeavour, given that the CII does not have an official say in the lawmaking process, despite its huge influence over the Pakistani government. But it will be a tough fight to convince the Sindh home and legal departments to allow the bill to be tabled, as Faruqi says they are “hesitant” to take a progressive stance on the issue.

The bill itself is possibly the most scientific piece of legislation to be put in front of the Sindh Assembly. Under it, mandatory DNA testing would take place within 12 hours of an individual making a complaint of rape to the authorities. It would be incumbent upon the police to accompany the victim to a testing facility, and incumbent upon medical personnel to carry out the examination and DNA testing according to a standard procedure which includes official ‘rape kits’ for collecting evidence, while preserving the confidentiality and privacy of the victim.

The bill outlines how the DNA evidence can and cannot be used in court, as well as the repercussions for tampering with such evidence. It also calls for the Sindh government to create forensic labs where testing will take place, and for a DNA testing fund to be instituted within 90 days by the government.

Rape has long been a contentious issue in Pakistan. Most Pakistanis react with disbelief and denial when confronted with the numbers in which Pakistani women and children are sexually assaulted on a daily basis. If she is female, they blame the victim by saying that if she hadn’t been dressed immodestly, or been out of the house, or any of a dozen other imagined infractions, this wouldn’t have happened to her.

Often a return to ‘Islamic values’ is seen as the only solution to the problem of rape, and the CII’s insistence on sticking to a hardline interpretation of Islamic law, rather than moving forward with the rest of the world on the permissibility of DNA evidence, is a clear extension of this regressive attitude.

The importance of DNA evidence in rape cases has been long accepted as part of any rape investigation in most of the developed world. While it can’t be used as the only evidence in a rape case, any and all biological material from the rapist left on the rape victim’s body is the best way to scientifically connect the rapist to the rape victim.

When there are no witnesses (and most rapists take care to commit their crimes without four adult Muslim males watching the proceedings), when the victim is killed after being raped so cannot identify her attackers, or in cases of child rape, where a child cannot speak up for himself or herself about what has happened to her, DNA evidence can provide incontrovertible proof which can be used to pressure a rapist into confessing to his crimes — something rapists often do in police custody but later deny in court (although this may also be a result of the police’s high-handed tactics). With solid DNA evidence against them, this would no longer be possible.

While the mandatory DNA testing bill is primarily meant to provide legal recourse to rape victims, passing this bill would have another added benefit: DNA evidence could be used to exonerate a person falsely accused in a rape case. This in itself should provide a powerful incentive to the Sindh Assembly to pass this bill, if the welfare of women, especially rape victims, is not their primary concern.

Passing this bill will provide more protection to rape victims, not just after the fact, but before, because would-be rapists will operate with far less impunity if they know their own DNA can be used to catch and incarcerate them. If scientific evidence can be used to reduce the number of rapes, then using it in a rape case is a moral imperative. Surely in the 21st century, Pakistan can find a way to combine the letter of Islamic law with the miracles of modern science to provide the best justice that the victims and survivors of rape so richly deserve.

The writer is an author. binashah@yahoo.com

DAWN

NUST, jeans and tights

THIS is apropos the hue and cry over the report about girls not being allowed to wear jeans and tights in the National University of Sciences and Technology (NUST).

The report had been quite misleading. Let me start on from the beginning when Nust took a not-so-humble start with its headquarters on Tameezuddin Road, Rawalpindi Cantt, and its campuses in Rawalpindi, Risalpur and Karachi.

The discipline was exemplary, the quality of education unparalleled and grooming of mili -specs (a term used for anything made up to the topmost specifications).

There was a proper dress code (read uniform) for both male and female students on the campus and nobody seemed to be bothered much by the idea.

A lot of effort was channeled to constructive work, research and innovation which would otherwise have gone down the drain by thinking endlessly about appearance.

The big heads sat down and thought of expanding the school of learning so that more and more young blood can be injected to gain excellence in the fields of science and technology.

NUST Business School (NBS) started from meagre settings at Nust headquarters, while NUST Institute of Information and Technology (NIIT) took birth from a plaza-at-rent in Chaklala Scheme-III, Rawalpindi, now one of the busiest commercial centres of the city.

In the meanwhile, a whole sector H-12 was purchased from the CDA for a purpose-built campus of NUST.

As the concrete kept pouring and structures started to erect, various schools started to migrate from their erstwhile locations to H-12 (NUST City), the enrollment skyrocketed enormously.

Meanwhile, NUST tried to keep pace with the upcoming lot of A level students who thought that life would be even more lax than their previous institutes.

It is only in the business school that students – both male and female – had never been allowed to attire themselves in informal dress.

Standard dress code for females is shalwar-qamiz with a dupatta (which need not be over the head) and for males, it is dress pants and dress shirt with dress shoes.

This was put into practice to ensure that business graduates of NBS be fully acquainted with the corporate culture and hence do not feel it difficult to adjust. And NUST graduates have proven this in the places they work.

No other college of the institute has any such dress restriction at NUST City. Hence, the reason why fine was levied can safely be attributed to the young lot being unaware of the rules of the place instead of some Taliban mindset taking root at the institute that has always been at the top of the list at national level.

Besides, the ‘outrage’ in the ‘more liberal citizens of the country’ be contained and vented to some useful direction.

Badmouthing an institute of the stature of National University of Sciences and Technology without being fully aware of the facts and accusing everything modest to the Taliban and mullahs is itself not coincident with the liberal values.

HASAN JAVED GOREJA
(Ex- student)
Rawalpindi

DAWN

‘Torture, deaths — most girl domestic child workers’ fate’

rape case

KARACHI: Some 19 child domestic workers (CDWs) of the 41 allegedly tortured by their employers had died across the country over 30 months till June this year, according to a recent report compiled by four rights organisations.

A majority of cases of torture against children were reported in Punjab with Lahore and Gujranwala sharing the notorious distinction of having nine cases each of torture on child domestic workers.

Six of the 41 cases were reported from Karachi in which one child domestic worker was killed — the investigations of that 2011 case yet to complete.

Five cases were recorded in Islamabad as well.

The report titled ‘The unending plight of child domestic workers in Pakistan’ compiled by the Child Rights Movement (CRM) Punjab, the Institute for Social Justice (ISJ), Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child and the Pakistan Institute of Labour Education and Res-earch (Piler) covered the cases of torture on child domestic workers from January 2010 to June 2013.

In six months of 2013, a total of 10 cases had been reported, of which three children had died.

The report said that the children of all ages became victims of torture, but a majority of them were girls as out of 41 cases of reported torture, 34 were girls.

The report said that in a ma-jority of cases, employers con-cocted a story of suicide or some accident, rather than confessing that they had tortured the children.

In the case of a 10-years girl maid of Faisalabad in Jan-uary 2010, the employer claimed that she fell from stairs; but medical reports stated that the child had been tortured and kept without food and medical treatment for weeks that resulted in her death, the report said.

“In another case reported in 2010, the torture on a 14-year girl maid of Islamabad and five of her family members by her employer and the police in Islamabad shows how state agencies meant to protect its citizens are in the business of torture,” observed the report.

The report mentioned the story of 12-year-old Bilal of Gujranwala, whose death was reported on May 15, 2013.

Initially, his employer claimed that the boy had committed suicide and therefore, Bilal’s father did not ask the police to register a case.

However, a medical report proved that Bilal had not hanged himself and was murdered, and then his father lodged an FIR against the employer.

In June 2013, Sana, an 11-year-old girl, was found in a shelter home in Karachi. Two years ago Sana was sold by her parents to a family in Karachi for Rs2,000 per month which they received every month in advance against Sana’s domestic work round-the-clock.

The report said that Sana’s parents were from a rural area of Punjab.

She was found by the media in a shelter home in Karachi who informed her parents that she had run away from the employer’s house because of physical and mental torture.

The report said that the every individual case of child domestic worker was a sheer violation of fundamental human rights — mainly the right to protection, survival and live.

The list of cases also revealed that child domestic workers belonged to low or marginalised sections of society; usually orphans; and from religious minority groups such as Christians and Hindus.

“It has widely been observed that in urban areas middlemen do play active role in bringing children from rural areas or slums so that employers do not face parents of children and any other issues or formalities as was reported in many cases,” said the report.

According to the International Labour Organisation (ILO), there are approximately 15.5 million child domestic workers aged between 5 and 17 around the world. More than 7.4 million of them are between five and 14 years of age.

The statistics reflecting exact number of child domestic wor-kers in Pakistan are not available.

The ILO, however, shows that the number of child labourers in Pakistan exceeded 12 million in 2012 while UNICEF estimates put it at around 10 million.

According to the Child Rights Movement, there are app-roximately 9.86 million children and adolescents between the ages of 10 and 19 years in Pakistan who are active in the labour force; 2.58 million of them are between 10 and 14, while thousands more are even younger than 10.

The Bureau of Statistics’ Labour Force Survey 2010-11 says that around 4.29 per cent of children aged 10-14 are active in the country’s labour force. It is estimated that 35.4pc of 180 million Pakistanis are under 14 years of age.—Hasan Mansoor

DAWN

Women in our society

THE news on Friday of sexual abuse and murder of a 13-year-old schoolgirl in Karachi was yet another horrifying episode in the process of improving the deteriorating law and order situation in the city.

The girl was taken away from the school by a woman, said to be her acquaintance, on Sept 24 and since then she went missing.

Her parents also got a ransom call before her sexually abused body was found on the Seaview beach.

However, it seems money was not what the kidnappers wanted.

Followed by a shocking incident of gang-rape of a five-year-old girl just a couple of weeks ago in Lahore, the rape and killing of the young girl in Karachi clearly indicates that the cases of girls being victims of sexual assault are rampant in the country.

In addition to this, women are being killed in the name of honour in rural areas, they are being deprived of their right to education, especially in Khyber Pakhtunkhawa, and are being subjected to a number of other heinous atrocities.

Even in the 21st century, when developed countries think beyond gender discrimination and endeavour to make life easier, the subcontinent is still stuck on petty issues of giving rights to the minorities and women.

There is a dire need of public awareness of the importance of giving equal rights to women in society.

The elements that make up our society should devise appropriate ways to address the issue before another innocent soul becomes victim of barbarism.

AHSAN ALI SHAIKH
Karachi

DAWN